AP
|
Igor Ivanov
(Russia's foreign minister):
defending the Russian policy throughout Caucasus. (From
Financial Times)
"No one can remain indifferent to the tragic events of the Chechen crisis. But we Russians perceive it more acutely than most, for it involves our land and our countrymen. Yet it is worth asking why western European countries have been so critical of the actions of Russian authorities, when in Russia itself most of the population supports the anti-terrorist operation.
There are several reasons, but one appears to be obvious. Western public opinion has only recently "discovered" Chechnya while Russia has experienced this deep drama for a long time. After the disintegration of the USSR, power in the Chechen Republic was violently seized by militant separatists and, in effect, fell into the hands of criminal clans who established a regime of wanton lawlessness there. For several years, Chechnya was virtually outside not only the Russian Constitution and its laws, but also the principles and norms of civilised society.
The 1999/2000 Yearbook of the International Institute of Strategic Studies in London notes that during those years the economy was destroyed, unemployment became universal and the republic was flooded with "warlords" and their accomplices.
Widespread taking of hostages, including foreign citizens, slave labour and slave trade, burglaries, murder and public executions became commonplace. More than 500,000 people, including 220,000 Russians, had to leave the Chechen Republic.
Nobody knows how long this situation would have persisted if the terrorism had not spilled beyond the boundaries of Chechnya itself. But the armed invasion of neighbouring
Dagestan, the explosions at residential houses in Moscow and other Russian cities have overstretched the patience of the Russian people.
I recognise that these facts are perhaps not widely known in the west, especially since television and the press as a rule paint an extremely one-sided picture of events in Chechnya. But those who determine the policy of western countries are well aware of the challenge presented to the territorial integrity of Russia and the security of its citizens.
The west knows full well how the Chechen separatists are armed and financed. The annual report of the US State Department (Features of International Terrorism 1999) says in so many words that the Chechen militants and the mercenaries fighting on their side receive support from foreign Mujaheddin who have close links with Islamic extremists in the Middle East, south and central Asia, including Osama bin Laden.
The west will eventually have to deal with many of the terrorists who have fled Chechnya in other troublespots around the world. Presenting them "as a party to the conflict" creates an extremely dangerous precedent: terrorists acting in western Europe may claim a similar "status".
All this should give rise to solidarity with, or at least an understanding of, the actions of the Russian leadership. In fact, Russia is being subjected to a torrent of accusations which mislead public opinion, create an artificial irritant in the relations with our country and, most importantly, divert attention from the real challenges to which Russia, Europe and the world community will sooner or later have to respond jointly.
Russia has nothing to hide. Indeed, we are demonstrating a degree of openness and transparency in the solution of what is, it must be stressed, an entirely internal problem, that has not been displayed by any state in any international or internal conflict. Russia is closely co-operating with United Nations agencies, notably the High Commissioner for Refugees, the UN Development
Programme, Unicef and the World Health Organisation, as well as the International Red Cross, the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe, the Council of Europe, the European Union and others.
We are not trying to gloss over the human rights situation, which is complex even in the areas where peace has been established. But to improve it, what is needed above all is an end to the legacy left by the criminal regime. Suffice to say, the terrorists still hold about 900 hostages, including foreigners.
That said, the Russian leadership does not absolve itself of responsibility. All human rights abuses in the course of the anti-terrorist operation - whoever perpetrated them - are being thoroughly investigated and, if confirmed, the culprits will be punished. Vladimir
Putin, the Russian president, has appointed a human rights representative to the Chechen Republic who will have the co-operation of experts from the Council of Europe. A national independent non-governmental commission has been set up to look into the complaints of citizens and non-governmental
organisations.
A qualitative change has t aken place in Chechnya. Large-scale military actions in Chechnya have ended and the federal troops are used only to repel the attacks of scattered terrorist groups. Even now, the Russian authorities are shifting their efforts to the search for long-term political settlement in the republic. The infrastructure is being restored, schools and hospitals are reopening and the work of local bodies of government is getting under way. A serious impetus to the political process was given by the March meeting between Mr Putin with the authorised Chechen representatives, the heads of regional administrations in the republic.
Against this backdrop, many Russians wonder what is the real aim of certain quarters in the west: to really help the Chechen people, or to take advantage of the problem to bring political pressure to bear on Russia?
The European countries themselves will have to answer this question. Russia, for our part, would like to call on our partners and friends to take an impartial look at the new situation in Chechnya. The most reasonable approach is honest and constructive dialogue with Russia - not moss-covered calls to "punish" our country and even excommunicate it from Europe. By taking a realistic view, we can avoid new splits in Europe to whose unity we have all committed so much energy and effort."
Russia's foreign minister Igor Ivanov.
|